The Arakan Army (AA) and its political wing, the United League of Arakan (ULA), are among the largest revolutionary organizations in Myanmar currently battling the government. Seventeen years after it was formed in 2009, the AA controls almost 90 percent of Arakan, the narrow coastal region on the Bay of Bengal in the western region of Myanmar. That is arguably the largest area to be liberated so far by any armed outfit in the country. Arakan has been in the limelight since the 1970s because of the military operations that have been conducted by the government against Rohingya Muslims in the region.
Twan Mrat Naing, who heads the AA and the ULA, has given online interviews to media outlets in the past, but never a one-on-one interview to a foreign correspondent. In a first, he met The Diplomat’s correspondent Rajeev Bhattacharyya at a location somewhere in Myanmar’s Arakan region on March 2. For this correspondent, reaching the meeting spot entailed a long journey by road and river, and a trek through jungle and hilly terrain.
Twan Mrat Naing spoke his mind on various issues, including talks with the Myanmar government, the AA’s relations with Bangladesh and India, and allegations of human rights violations that have been leveled against the outfit.
Could you tell us about your background, and how you became the leader of the Arakan Army?
I studied at a law school in Sittwe, but I could not complete the course. I was active as a student leader, and one day, when I was in Grade 9, I got into a confrontation with the military. But nothing serious happened. That was my first encounter with the military.
I began to cross the border into Bangladesh in the late 1990s. The first time was in 1998 after the demise of some Arakan revolutionaries during Operation Leech. We learned a lot from the movements launched by the Arakan Liberation Party and the National United Party of Arakan, but soon realized that these groups were not as strong as we had imagined. I realized that there was a need for unity. Until 2006, we were hoping to get all these Rakhine groups united.
That year, I traveled to India without documents. After crossing the Indian border at Manipur, we stayed in Imphal and then at Guwahati in Assam, where we interacted with many leaders, including a leader from Tripura. From Guwahati, we went to Delhi by train. In Delhi, we stayed for 20 days and attended the first meeting of the Arakan National Congress at Vikaspuri. The leaders were squabbling over petty issues. I was convinced here that it was impossible to achieve the unity we desired. I realized that we could not waste time with them.
Subsequently, I began entertaining the idea of establishing ties with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and organizations in other parts of Myanmar. We succeeded in establishing links with the Karen National Liberation Army through friends at Yangon University. I began working as a tourist guide and selling gems even as I enrolled in a law course at Sittwe University. All this helped me expand my network through tourists from Germany, Switzerland, and other countries. Some American friends I was in touch with invited me to the U.S. to study, but I was interested more in fieldwork.
I was already married in 2005 and had told my wife about my plans for Arakan. My elder brother, who is vice-chairman number three in our organization, helped establish links with the KIA. I sold my Omega watch for $400 to go to Kachin State. The first trip to Kachin in 2006 was to exchange views with the KIA and to observe the training there for two weeks. It took us three years to build trust with KIA. KIA was in a ceasefire with the government then, and there was pressure on the organization to transform into border guards. There was a difference of opinion within the KIA on this proposal. We received the green signal for training from the KIA in 2008, and the sessions began a year later.  KIA accepted only 26 trainees, although we planned to have 50 of our members trained. Some of our friends were apprehended by the military intelligence en route to Kachin.
We thought of returning from Kachin after two years with 200 rifles. We learnt about military affairs. I also started reading a lot about military strategies and tactics. Around the same time, we established contacts along the Thailand-Myanmar border with youths studying abroad and began scouting for new cadres for training. The KIA was worried as these training modules must be kept under wraps (it was in a ceasefire with Myanmar’s military).  In two years, we were able to train about 300 cadres. On some occasions, we ran out of rations, and later, we were involved in the jade business along the border. In 2013, we sent 19 people to the Golden Triangle area and to the Bangladesh border to increase our network. We also developed a rapport with Kokang and Palaung in Shan State. We could gather some weapons from these areas.
The Arakan Army’s first encounter with the military was on March 28, 2015, in Paletwa near the Bangladesh border, where we killed a captain of the Myanmar military.
You do not have military experience, yet what the AA has achieved militarily is stupendous.  What is the secret of your success?
There are things that you have to say but don’t do. There are things that you do but don’t say, and there are things that you say and do. Rakhine State is a tiny place of land, but we were not that small earlier. Instead of wrangling over a piece of territory, we will have to do what we need to do. Instead of talking about territorial ambition, it is better to be committed to the mission.
There are so many factors contributing to our success. But we haven’t yet reached a spectacular level of success. We have to be patient, remain focused, and manage with limited resources.
The main factor contributing to our success has been the support of the people. We could rebuild trust among different communities in Arakan. There was a lot of distrust, especially with the Muslim communities, after what happened with them in 2012 and 2017, when a large section of the community was driven out of Myanmar. In normal times, it would have been impossible to approach them. They were also looking for friends and we explained to them our agenda, which was an important step.
And terrain was another significant factor. The military had a better infrastructure. Our resources were limited, but we made optimum use of them. I am very proud of our soldiers and officers who demonstrated extreme bravery and prowess in the wars. Our headquarters has utilized all available technologies, including satellite communication, effectively, and synthesized them for effective communication.
In retrospect, when I make a review, I find that my entire team has a huge number of committed people who prepare a lot. I could work in harmony with them.
2025 was a year of stalemate. The AA refrained from launching attacks on Kyaukphyu and Sittwe, but it ventured into the Burmese heartland in alliance with other resistance groups.  Does it indicate a change of strategy? 
It is still too early to go into details of the strategy. It will be premature.
There is speculation that AA could welcome a proposal from the military for a negotiated settlement…
Political dialogue and stability are in everybody’s interest. We need to be politically mature. Let me keep it that way.
Since I arrived in Arakan almost a month ago, there have been six airstrikes in the region. On February 24, I visited an area in Ponnagyun township, where 17 people were killed.  There could be more airstrikes now that the elections are completed.  How do you plan to tackle this danger?
Civilian safety is our priority.  We are exploring every option for effective protection of the civilian population. It is difficult. We are working with the international community to record these aerial bombings, but they have not been very effective.  It is a very serious humanitarian concern.  That is why, as long as the military keeps bombing civilians, it will be very difficult for us to explore the political process. The military government wants to talk from a position of strength. But we will not succumb to such pressure.
The AA had discussions with representatives of the Myanmar junta in China two years ago. It had insisted then that junta forces should not be stationed in Arakan, and the talks collapsed. Would you be willing to have such discussions with the government now? 
You are correct; that is what we wanted. The government wants us to go back to the position that existed pre-2023. In that case, we also want to go back to 1784 [Arakan ceased to exist as an independent kingdom in 1784]. Instead of asking for unrealistic things, the government should focus on inclusive and sincere negotiations grounded in reality. Negotiations shouldn’t be disconnected from the ground reality.
When I visited Sagaing Region and Chin State in 2023, I met leaders of several resistance groups.  Most of them were confident that the military government would be toppled by the end of 2025. But that didn’t happen. On the contrary, the military has made a comeback in some regions. How do you explain that?
The National Unity Government (NUG) is an important actor. We respect them. There are other actors also. We wish everybody would come together for a clear political future. The current situation remains unpredictable. There will be more bloodletting with the tactics adopted by the military government.
Now, about your relations with the neighboring countries. You have already congratulated the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) government in Bangladesh.  The general perception is that the BNP government will avoid adopting extreme positions and will pursue a dual policy on Arakan – pressuring the AA to take back Rohingya refugees and also arming Rohingya militant outfits like the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) and Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA). What are your expectations of the new government?
Our expectation is to be able to work together with Bangladesh to create a conducive atmosphere. First, the existing actors in the region must be empowered instead of hurling false accusations at them. Without empowering the Arakan People’s Revolutionary Government, it will be very difficult to create a conducive situation. We want to create a conducive situation for the return of refugees.  Our topmost priority is to resolve the problems faced by the people.  But the activities of the militant outfits will create more problems. We are ready to face all kinds of situations.

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The Myanmar military has provided weapons to the Rohingya armed groups. The military could be more aggressive now. The RSO and ARSA have camps in Bangladesh very near the border in Maungdaw. The possibility of the AA fighting a war on two fronts cannot be ruled out.
We will do everything to avoid that situation, as it will do us no good.  It will not be in the interest of Bangladesh either.
And you would want trade with Bangladesh to resume immediately?
Yes. There are many merchants and organizations on both sides of the border waiting for the trade to resume. Bangladesh is a populous country and there are many people and communities along the border, including fishermen who depend on the border trade. These issues can be resolved amicably once the ground realities are accepted. Once this is done, we will also respond favorably. We will permit fishermen and regulate their activities.
What was the humanitarian corridor in Bangladesh? Was the United States really interested in getting involved?
I don’t think the U.S. was really interested. Only NGOs and some individuals were interested, and perhaps there were other global players interested in the project. There was a lot of media hype over the plan. But it is not realistic because war is on in Rakhine State. Pushing the refugees into a war zone is not humane. Even after the war, there should be a conducive environment for refugees to return.
Why are Pakistan and Turkiye engaging with the Rohingya refugees and armed groups?
It is quite concerning and one of the aggravating factors [of militancy among the Rohingya]. This is bad for both Bangladesh and us. We hope that the BNP government will initiate the right policies and actions. Sometimes the policies are correct, but the implementation goes awry.
Do you think Pakistan could use the Rohingya armed outfits to target India?
The refugees might be exploited and we need to keep a watch on them.  We have security concerns that are common with India. The militancy in the region can spill over and become a regional security threat.  We are ready to cooperate with our neighbors.
What are your expectations from the Indian government?
India is a very important player in the region. We wish to see India get more developed and successful. We hope to cooperate more with India. We are ready to help with the Kaladan project.
The AA is under severe pressure from China to stop the war. How have you responded? 
It is not pressure but China is keen to see a stable Myanmar. Some people may say it is pressure. China will have to do its best to protect its interests, which every country does.
Regarding human rights violations by AA, there have been frequent allegations from Rohingya, Khumi, and Chin groups that the AA engages in forced conscription. What do you have to say?
Some people are weaponizing the human rights laws. If you see the source of these allegations, you will notice some particular groups, and especially the diaspora activists, coming up with such accusations because they benefit from such narratives. The Chin human rights activists do not represent the entire Chin community. We are getting along very well with most Chin communities in Chin State. We help each other and will have better cooperation even with the Muslim (Rohingya) community in the days ahead. We are building trust, which takes time. There were accusations because of the wrong policies of the previous government. With regard to forced conscription, Rakhine State is witnessing war and emergency measures are necessary. We are very careful in recruitment and we explain the duties and responsibilities to anyone who is recruited.
You have clarified that the AA is not involved in drug trafficking. But as I gleaned from my stay in Arakan, there is a danger of drugs flowing from Bangladesh and mainland Myanmar. Only three days ago, a person from Maungdaw in Rakhine State was arrested in the Indian state of Mizoram with a huge quantity of synthetic drugs. Don’t you see this is an emerging challenge for Arakan?
It is a complex situation. The problem of drugs in Rakhine State is much less now than it was during the military rule. Many of the routes are blocked from the mainland. There are so many checkpoints. Drug production (in Myanmar) is at an industrial level. Last month, the largest seizure of drugs was in Shan State. The junta made nonsensical accusations. The whole factory complex was confiscated. They knew the existence of that complex for a long time.

We cannot say that the drug problem has been totally eradicated in Rakhine State. There are addicts and traffickers. Fishing boats are plying up and down, and we don’t know what they are carrying. There are ships going from Rangoon to Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar and Chittagong. It will take time to eradicate the problem.
In the past few days, I have visited some villages along the Myanmar-Bangladesh border and interacted with some residents. The non-Rohingya villages and some Rohingya villages live in constant fear of ARSA. Your government has not been able to consolidate itself here. What are your plans for these areas? 

It’s not simple. We are offering assistance to remote villages in the region and especially to Mro-inhabited villages. A section among them is involved in drug trafficking. We are receiving reports that some among them have also joined hands with ARSA. Many have been killed in internecine battles, which is not surprising. Before Maungdaw was liberated, the military and drug barons like Dil Mohammad were very active in drug trafficking.  We are now focusing on that region so that there can be better security for the residents.
There is also a severe shortage of doctors and medicines. The conditions of internally displaced persons are depressing

We are addressing these issues and trying to improve the delivery of health services and other services. We are in the process of acquiring more equipment, ensuring a steady flow of medicines and recruiting more doctors and health workers. We have decided to open a medical college and nursing academy in Rakhine State and we are very excited about these ventures. We plan to train 120 nurses this year. We have 50-60 doctors currently and expect more to join us soon. We are not concerned about the background and ethnicity of doctors and nurses. We will welcome whosoever wants to join us, including Indian doctors.

What do you expect of the Spring Revolution in the months ahead?
The expectations of the AA alone are not enough to determine the Spring Revolution’s outcome. We have to take other factors, including the people of the Burmese heartland, their problems and local dynamics, into consideration. We fully respect their situations. We have cordial ties with them and have helped like-minded organizations.
How do you see the situation panning out in Arakan over the next two years?
I wish to see people’s suffering end at the earliest and to find a feasible and lasting solution. We should prepare for the worst to fulfil the aspirations of the people of Myanmar.

Conntributing Author
Rajeev Bhattacharyya is a senior journalist in Assam in India’s northeast.